difficult problems for the progressive economic movement is there's a court in the quality from political inequality to economic inequality and wrapped back around again. 10 civilians of americans who are most economically dispossessed are the ones who are the least likely to vote, least likely to contribute and to other forms of political accountability and civic engagement. that is one of the core problems we face to create a problem not just for the 99% but for the 99% and you are doing an incredible thing. most recently honored, we are in awe of what she is doing. i am not an impartial moderator. you are doing an incredible thing to bring the most dispossessed and excluded workers into organizing and political activism and transforming their own workplace

and transforming our economy at large. can you tell us what you are doing and the challenges you face and the potential for the broader economy? >> good morning. can you hear me? can you hear me? good morning. are you awake? thanks so much for the question. when we first started organizing domestic workers it was seen as our shadow work force excluded and what we have seen over the last 15 years is that the conditions that the fine reality for domestic workers increasingly define reality for every american worker. the instability, lack of benefits and job security, contingent and temporary nature

of it. we have come to realize that we have so much in common as workers in this country, all of us from every corner of the economy. the good news is from those places of exclusion there have been incredible efforts to organize and transform working conditions and there have been really big victories, historic victories like passage of the new york domestic workers bill of rights. [applause] >> for 200,000 mostly immigrant women workers doing the work that makes all the work possible. not only is it a place to look to for victory but actual solutions that can not only address reality for those particular groups of workers but for the whole work force and the economy as a whole.

if you look at the care industry, the fastest growing jobs in the country where forces in the country looking into the care almost the kind of window, manufacturing was in the 20s and 30s. if we can lean into these sectors we can figure out how to set a tone for the kind of economy we want to be building in the twenty-first century and care is continuing to grow as the country changes and as we age as a nation. people talk about the change in racial demographics of the country but we're also aging at a rate of a person every eight seconds turning 65 in this country and there will be a growing need for care and that is a huge opportunity to reshape that piece of the economy in such a way that recognizess

everyone's human dignity. we can create jobs to the tune of two million new jobs in home care to make sure everyone who needs care can get it and everyone of those jobs is the quality, dignified job and we can collectively afford the care we need to live with dignity. that is the agenda that will not only help us unite the country across race, class and generation but get to the heart of the biggest economic challenges of the day. [applause] >> eric cantor resist this but erica, i didn't talk about caring for the ellen -- joe ogilvie and senior citizens but you through granny off a cliff. tell us a little what you are doing to wake of washington, to interrupt the media cycle that allows what we're talking about

to be an alternative. >> to those of you who have not seen the granny off the cliff at you hear american beautiful playing in the background legal and peaceful theme with a paul ryan look-alike wheeling a grandmother through a park and you learn the republicans want to privatize medicare and the music turns very sinister. she starts struggling and as the cliff approaches the viewer is asked and not going to do it are they? we are going to do it. he throws her off the cliff and you see her body fall down. fantastic shoot. it was great. the one in the casket didn't work as well. we sent a $3,500 making at at and we spent no money on a paid

ad, but twenty million media impressions and we released it in paul ryan's budget last year and what you saw happen in the media cycle with the defrayed opposite went everywhere during this period of time so you had mitch mcconnell protesting no one is trying to throw granny off a cliff. when you put them in that position, that is a win. when the senate minority leader is protesting he is not trying to throw granny off a cliff that is a win. when we talk about creating messages the way that we view our job is to look at the public policy process, product development and marketing distribution. it may be a specific piece of legislation and value system.

ideally the two are connected but the distribution is where it is. a lot of time financial reform and during the period that i worked on financial reform the last 2 or $3 million advocating effective financial reform in the wake of the worst financial crisis since the great depression. in that same period the bank had $600 million so there is an order of magnitude difference in financial resources that we have to use as the given to our problem solving. we have to understand that they have $300 to our $1. what we have to do is find a places where we get $200 in impact for the dollar we spend. $3,500 for the media impression getting in that range. patriotic millionaires campaign which is 200 amazing folks

running around the country for the last year-and-a-half asking to have their taxes raised. that has been $80,000 and to date it has gotten eighty million media impressions. away that we are able to affect that is we don't worry who gets the credit for putting the message out. the liberal advocacy group like the agenda project calls for higher taxes on millionaires. it is not news, 200 patriotic millionaires starts getting interesting so we lead with those other brands. what i encourage is liberals love a coalition. i don't think they are particularly effective. the coalition in your planning session. don't have a coalition and outside forces while in a group together make the white house a funding when if you all do separate things it is a

helicopter landing. do the helicopter strategy. and then the white house has to take ten meetings because we 10 different people or groups are working on a message and we need to make sure you say something worth saying. a lot of times they encourage people to look carefully at this problem. we encourage them to be accountable to voters. financial reform, we have 40 experts to sign a letter that said you had financial reform and until you do the following ten things you wouldn't have prevented the last crisis and won't prevent the next one. use your bold language. use graphic images when you need to. understand that sometimes people need to say things to open the oxygen for other people to say

things. when we threw granny off a cliff are headed to the beach with my girlfriends and left the rest of the community of liberals to go on tv and talk about it. what i said to them was denounced them. you know? i don't care. i just got eight minutes to say what paul ryan's plan is horrible and thirty-second -- seven.5 minutes telling people what the plan is going to do in connecticut. [applause] >> we are in a really difficult place right now because even the present -- the president is talking about the need for federal government to tighten its of the way household are tightening their belts. what is wrong with that

metaphor? what should we replace it with? >> trying very -- that was a source -- when john boehner first used the tighten our belts metaphor, six months later the president started using it. pretty unhappy. we are not an individual family. we are a society. what that means, if you were just some person who overspent then surely you cut back on your spending and try to work off your debt but we are a society. who are you selling stuff to? selling stock to each other. you're spending is my income. if all of us decide to tighten

our belts, guess what? we all end up for because there are spending falls at the same time. this kind of stuff -- this is stuff that we have known since the 1930s. everybody cut spending at the same time because of too much that it is self-defeating. that is why the metaphor is wrong. you put me on the spot. the three words -- the way to say it is you need to grow your way out of a problem and the growth means somebody has to be prepared to invest in growth. who is going to do that? the american council community, they were led on by false

promises and financial deregulation. corporations are not in business for our health. they are not going to -- wouldn't it be great if there was something in the system that was in a position to take society's interests into account. what do we need to get the economy workings that or just operating based on fear and slogans. the government should be playing that role. may be the investment metaphor is the right one. not perfect but good enough. and to borrow, 1.7%.

and inflation and bonds. to borrow literally for free to know what we should be doing it would be doing better and borrowing that money and that is what we need to do. this deficit obsession, the most amazing thing because so shocked -- the longer we are all dead. what we need right now is jobs. i thought that was great. and silence in my line of work. accused of being shrill. i have been nasty that get

people's attention. [talking over each other] >> a lot of hate mail. i would like to pick up on what paul said about this asphalt-household mentality. >> the question burning in your mind if it is not being written on a cart or handed to people walking around you won't be able to answer it. >> it is okay from a messaging point of view to concede that point we want to be aware of our spending priorities but a tree just fell on our house. into the metaphor of the regular family tightening its belt, i am an individual, to invest 100

grand took me forever before i figured out -- you know what i am saying? to spend on something so investing in america. four years ago the worst financial crisis since the great depression. should we think about spending? absolutely. the tree just fell on our house. first thing you do is get the tree of your calls. the work that would end the depression now. will get the tree of of the house and then we can buy a less-expensive peanut butter. you know what i am saying? >> about the superior brand of peanut butter, one would say -- as we often do in progress of economic world -- talk about this period of shared prosperity. the golden era between the end of world war ii when ronald reagan took office and i was born we had this period of time

where income rose in tandem where there was a smaller ceo pay and worker pay where labor unions were strong and trade rules benefited and were conscious of the livelihood of the producers that were being exploited. all of that has changed in a way that has created fundamental economic insecurity for most americans. we now have two parents working and able to create less security than one parent was able to create on his own degeneration ago. we have people going into the work force without the security that they had with attendant work and contract work so i challenge a little bit this idea that what we need to do is maybe spend a little bit now on

short-term spending but then spend less than we have been now because of our long term deficit. it seems to me like we are actually going to do a lot more to put the american people on sound footing. we have to make college debt free again and make universal child care because both parents are working and it seems to me that is going to take a fair amount of money. i am hearing from the american labor movement not let's do this short emergency thing but actually rework the entire package so we are doing the investments that are needed for the generational transformational security and what is the response from our house? >> before i answer that i would like to comment on the previous question. there's a danger in the upcoming session or the beginning of next

year about this. if you notice more and more democrats have been trying to embrace simpson bowls. i point out that was never built on by that committee itself. [applause] >> second of all, there are some very odious things in it. they cut medicare, medicaid, social security. one thing we need to do collectively is to give our friends a little bit of backbone and declare as we have that we will fight and oppose any cuts in social security, medicare and medicaid regardless of who will fight against it. [applause] >> we get to pay yet again for the party they had that we

didn't attend. back to your other question, from 1946-1973 productivity in the country--and so did wages. they were tied together and the interesting thing about the people in the bottom, their wages -- the wage gap and inequality the personal during that period of time we represented 35% to 40% of the work force so we were driving wages not only for union folks but nonunion folks. they got raises because we negotiated benefits more than we could and all the things. then things started to change. first the appointment of paul volcker and although he has two

jobs to fight inflation and create employment he said at that time i will no longer concern myself with full employment. i will only concern myself with fighting inflation. that has been the position under every president democrat and republican alike until this very day. we are down 12% of the work force. we think collective bargaining is the cornerstone to a balanced economy so that everybody has a chance to get a little more of the wealth that we produce. it is not that they don't have money. we do have money. whether richest nation that have never been. corp. serve two years of record profits and $2 trillion in the bank. banks have $1.6 trillion sitting in the bank.

they're not lending. continue to shrink their way out of this. if we create jobs and grow your way out of this revenue increases and you don't have to worry about cutting down. you have to worry about investing in the future with your readers education for our children that need an education, converting bad judge in to good jobs. i came out of the coal mining jobs were bad jobs before we had unions and other workers were bad jobs. steelworkers were bad jobs. we made them good jobs with collective bargaining. [applause] >> come up with an economic agenda and keep people on it. don't let them digress into

deficit nonsense that the only way to go forward is to keep cutting benefits and eating seed corn, forcing people to invest in infrastructure, forcing them to invest in job-creating green jobs that will save energy and give us a better future. those of the tickets forward and that is the way we grow and create an economy that gives every kid a chance. we have a couple kids out of 5 that go to bed hungry every night in the richest nation on the face of the earth. that is intolerable. that is unacceptable. elderly people don't have health care. they can't buy medicine. in the richest nation on the face of the earth that is intolerable. we can change it. >> taking the first questions

from the audience. the first one dovetails nicely with the point by the federal reserve to basically let go one of its twin imperatives. it is important particularly for the progressive bloggersosphere and i will ask our economic explainer in chief over here to tell us why it is that the fed is so scared of inflation and whose interests are served when we don't have high inflation and what can the fed do to bring down unemployment. >> i have to say this is one of

those cases where i manage to avoid the disease of being too close to the people you should be bashing because ben bernanke -- before being demoted to his current position and what is going on? i think it is not the kind of wrongness you are seeing, that they're holding secret meetings with the federal reserve board of governors. it is more who is hanging out, unless you fight it heart which the fed manager is not doing but spending more time hanging out with wall street, with the

creditors, than you will with workers, unemployed workers to not attend meetings of the federal reserve. there's a natural bias to be afraid of anything seen as hurting bond holders or creditor interests coupled with there is a pretty strong -- being an essential banker would you are raised to do is to learn you are supposed to be tough and hard the bridge will take away the punch bowl as the party is getting going and that translates into a mind set read the punch bowl even though there was no party to begin with. it goes even beyond. our depression is not as bad as the great depression. the federal reserve is not as bad as the european central

bank. there's a phrase. sort of you are doing your job right. all of that is going on and is becoming something strange because they are not making sense. it is not just them. janet yellen, the deputy who live like a lot, one of the things we could do but we are not doing them, the economy is in terrible shape and we will not intend the inflation party and unemployment is way above what it should be. one reason we are not going to do anything and something is going on with a mixture of class interests in a subtle way to

absorb -- absorbed by the board. put that in my article about ben bernanke didn't know what that meant. >> do you know what class interest meant? >> they didn't know what the word meant. and then -- the point is is not easy. one of the things we did, in long stretch of easing the burden will democrats could always do what is necessary which was wrong. when you have a crisis like we have now, monetary policy is not enough. you need the government to step in with spending but that doesn't mean -- particularly the fed similarly clearly would not

start raising rates when the labor market might be strong enough to generate rate increases which is doing now. >> there is the major cognitive problem we face as progressive trying to explain why it is the economy is performing the way it is. why it is americans are suffering and to is responsible. one of the major problems is the american people and most people around the globe don't see the economy as something people are controlling. people view the economy as something like the weather. a set of natural forces that impersonal that you have to batten down the hatches when an economic storm roles in. there is not very much that people have done to put this in this position and there isn't very much we collectively or that the government can do to get us out of this. that is one of those deep

problems we face and it feels like all of the solutions we would be advocating require getting over that. how is it that when you were trying to advocate progressive economic solutions you deal with that. >> what i try to think of is you are telling a story and any story has a set of points. some plot points are missing and some you need to create for yourself. the unemployment figures come out or inflation numbers come out these are plot points where there is another opportunity to tell a piece of the story. i always talk about needing to know what we are doing and what we're really doing and what we are really really doing. when you look at the patriotic millionaires campaign, raise taxes on millionaires rates but it doesn't solve all of the problems and what we have done

is inserted the word patriotic into the discussion around taxes. you think of the government as a company which everyone is obsessed with doing but there's not a unseat 0 on the planet who would take the job if they had 100 people making every decision they made. if you look at these plot points what you want to do is understand those levels underneath that you are trying to do. one of the issues which is impossible to message is when people hear the word derivatives they fall asleep. and it really isn't. rich privileged guys with a lot of money. is more complicated but i don't

have the disadvantage of being close to ben bernanke. is important for people to play different roles. just plugging in -- our pick this week is give us five minutes today we can help move this along. every issue you hear about. environment and social security and medicare. a few get off your phone -- 202-452-two nine five five. that is ben bernanke at phone-number at the fed. what ever. jamie dimon who is the president of jpmorgan chase has been working out sins the financial crisis. the light be harder than ever--if people did what he did they would not have lost their money and then he wants $3 billion in a single trade. you don't know what you are

doing anyway. this is the thing. he should be on the board of the new york fed. it is not going to solve everything but what it does is a little point, five thousand cuts. you take those moments, take down the power structures standing in a way of good progressive policy and taken down one by one systematically and when you have big opportunities you would rather big opportunities you set yourself up to take that victory. >> this question -- [talking over each other] >> and have jamie dimon resign from the fed. thank you. >> use that number. >> 202 -- we will write it down the first time. it is important.

202-452-2995. a goes to his office and you call an think he should get rid of jamie dimon. and do it for the next several weeks. >> also end this depression now. a question from the audience is an important one here. how do you talk about increasing wages when people are grateful just to have jobs. >> great question. the slogan we use a lot in our organizing is protect what we have turned and create what we need. as we fight to create -- protect our jobs and keep our jobs and protect medicaid, medicare and social security, we need to simultaneously fight to create what we need in this country and fundamentally if we don't put

out there what it is that we need, we will never kill the movement we need that has the power we need to change this country once and for all for all of us. and jones talked about the notion that our demands have been too small and we relegated ourselves to the defensive price to -- to the narrow issue based kinds of demands that have not allow us to unite broad cross-section of people and interests and communities, workers that we need to unite to build the power we need to take back this country and move towards not only for ourselves but our children. i would say we do absolutely need to work to fight to protect what it is we have but if we don't assert what is right and

what we need for ourselves and future generations we will never get there. [applause] >> this was a fun question that came from the audience. has anybody on this panel been contacted by the white house to ask them what they should do about the economy? >> yes. [laughter] >> try to talk about what i can talk about. unfortunately this was public knowledge. what you might call the left opposition economists with the president and others. there was a critical period in

the administration when the president had the most leverage and might be able to do much more and there was robert rice and other people. we lost those arguments. maybe it was the beards. the guys from doing so rich. even in the obama of white house, came across this as having answers. i do think people figured out that they didn't and -- inside we had critical moments that did much more. the notion is all it lost, obama

and company are as bad as the rest. and open-minded communication, and to some extent -- it is -- unfortunately i am afraid that it starts to listen to the was too way to do a lot of things. >> given that most of us here have been able to express our views at some point or another, it seems like the answer was always show me the fifty-first vote or show me the 60th vote to, show me the political reality. that was before the 2010 midterm

elections. we are now faced with a republican house with an insane economic agenda barreling down at us. the paul ryan plan, the romney plan. whatever it is anyone could have taken seriously on the right is advocating and the cure for it, the moderates cure for it is somehow simpson bowls -- simpson-bowles which is complete repudiation of the new deal. not a complete repudiation of the new deal, it is a fundamental undoing of the last 60 years. let's put it that way. so how do we make a new political reality and what would we actually say? a back and forth with political strategist at the white house do we create a middle class to create an million jobs?

they say we don't have the votes. what can we do in this moment and how we get it? >> i really believe we have to say a word to the program and force them to come to the plate. a a couple years ago this president went against same-sex marriage. this group network took that issue on and as much as anybody convinced the president he had to come to the right side of the issue. if all of us in the audience arrived as well -- [applause] -- all of us have to start staking out territory and staying with it. publicly and privately. talking about when the president was talking about debt reduction and job creation, we went public and lot of us started talking

about making a strategic mistake, this is not going to happen and finally realized he was in their backyard playing their game. it wasn't work for him abroad so he came our way and started talking about jobs and job creation. you still have to have a reality of getting the vote. if we build popular support, popular demand for those things they won't have a choice. if the republicans continue to be obstructionists they will get rolled over like a bowling ball knocks over sins and we will have a different game to play with. sticking with our story, demanding it, not being ashamed, not just whispering behind our hands the members of the administration but publicly for them as well this is the

solution. job creation, job creation will get you where you want to go. the powers that be want us to believe there is nothing we can do about it. this is just grains of sand on the beach and we get washed back-and-forth and don't even try to resist. that is nonsense. this is about politics. it was a policy, trillions of dollars to the bush tax cuts that could have been used to build the education and infrastructure and green energy. it is not hopeless and we are not poor. these are decisions. stick together and articulate those policies and don't back up and don't apologize. that is our biggest mistake.

we say we note public employees have pensions but -- they have pensions and they ought to have pensions. [applause] >> i really want to build on this point. it is so important. these are choices that are made by people who have the ability to make other choices. the financial crisis which cost this country one of the stupidest things i ever heard of them get away with when the banks pay back the $750 million and paid it back, if a car runs into a crowd of people and kills 20 of them and we give them money to fix the car, that is not the sum total of the cost. they have not paid back what they did to this country, number

one. [applause] >> i won't believe they pay it back until we get money in the bank and a bunch of them go to jail. [applause] >> about a thousand felony convictions. there have been zero felony convictions in that and i would also like to -- one of the things simon johnson coming to the panel, 13 bankers. speaking of policy choices he worked with arguing with larry summers and bob rubin and alan greenspan. wanted to release a concept paper about the problem that derivatives would cost the country. larry summers called her and said there are 13 bankers in my office telling me if you release this concept paper, you could cause the worst financial crisis

since the great depression. concept paper is dangerous. unregulated derivatives market, not dangerous. this administration and pointing at democrats, all of these cadres of followers passed around new york. everybody listening -- this is bobby's fault. bobby ended glass-steagall and made $50 million. so i think we need to bring that story and bring it hard because that is a chunk of the problem we at and it is not that complicated of a story. >> one of the big problems we had with the white house is they had the notion -- 30 points on the board and win every legislative battle.

if you advance a proposal, that is a terrible thing. that is just bad political thinking. the public doesn't know or care. they know how the economy is doing which at this point they don't have too much impact right now and also that you stand for something and it depends which way i am pointing. these people not being in the republican congress alongside and not just for that part of the administration but everybody. they play a long game. they spent 40 plus years getting us to this point. hopeless dreams for them the dismal their dreams are our

nightmares, things like eliminating the estate tax and privatizing social security and hammering at those things they brought those things close to reality. stand for something. they have the advantage of 100-1. greater financing but on all the issues i have been writing about, one other advantage is we are right. [applause] >> speaking of this long game if we look at our long game the next 40 years out, in 2016 to we are going to be a country where there is no majority anymore and i would like to argue some thoughts from the panel here, that they on the right have seen that 40 year game in a much

clearer way that we have on the left. that they were at a meeting with a high level executive officials and he held up a map the lawyers committee created, that shows where all of the attacks on our freedom to vote have happened. and hold up a map of the 2008 election and do a third thing. not looking at the room at the moment where you hold up a map of the demographic concentration of people of color and it maps pretty well. they have already recognized on the right that this little experiment we call democracy is going to be a losing game for them and they need to attack our freedom to vote in order to keep

hold of power. they have recognized the need to attack the strongest remaining set of unions in this country and they have recognized one of the reasons why it is because it is where a majority of people of color are able to secure middle-class jobs. they have done that calculation in a way that i don't like to think we on the left have seen, that our fates in this country are linked with unfinished business of creating real healing around our racial divisions and racial anxieties that mark our political debates in one way or another. there are some people on this stage who are more than most of us able to have a microphone about what it is going to take to build the kind of country we want and there's a challenge today because when that

microphone -- to wonder what it is that we can do to fill the void of silence around racial anxiety to take that microphone away from the right all the time and talk about it in a way that is bringing us together instead of forcing us apart. >> first of all i am excited about that. when it first moved to california with the first minority/majority state i got so excited and being in charge of everything, i am thrilled so looking at that change is an amazing, positive and wonderful thing, great first step. there is a wonderful woman who did a presentation that if you want to change the world be friends with somebody different than you is the first step which

are thought was marvelous. they have to go about repressing of the vote. if i was going to take one of the things we systematically go after, social security privatisation with a 25 year effort, two things we need to do our get rid of grover norquist and get rid of the chamber of commerce. those need to be two strategic imperatives if you look at the world you want to build versus the one you have. grover norquist is preventing politicians who will do whatever they need to do to get reelected. our job is to change the dynamics under which they believe they are running so grover norquist has been in one of these bumpers. we need to get rid of grover norquist and do what we need to do to get rid of grover norquist so there are politicians in

washington watch debate between themselves and that guy. the chamber of commerce is the biggest lie in american life. the idea that they walk around like they speak for american business when they speak for 49 multinational corporations to underwrite 50% of their budget. it is not complicated, really. yet we call them derivatives. this is really about a small number of entitled rich dies and always a study one time that said extremely wealthy people study one of their common characteristics, well-educated or not well-educated or whatever and single only common characteristic was willingness to live where he is. think about that. >> i just want to say there is a

small but significant victory you look at. [applause] >> operating completely under the radar and doing enough damage and continuing to do enormous damage but small groups of activists researchers have been documenting and they brought that stuff above water and we have actually seen -- we have seen a significant number of corporations dropping -- to turn them from being something people would kalikow to to people who would see their names associated with it and there will be a lot of what they do will pop up under different names. it does show you can do this.

shine public light and get the activists and bring people's attention given that we are still democracy if we can keep it quote ben franklin and always keep plugging. >> to something -- [talking over each other] >> he missed my plan. i was going to give him the last word. >> first of all it is a short-term strategy that republicans on a writer using. it will be a different world and they should be trying to bring the man and have policies that affect people in a positive way. not try to step on them. in the short term, together with

2,000 state legislators, pass these bills around, the purpose is to reduce the progressive vote by 10% in 2012 and collective bargaining and immigrants and seniors and everybody else, elderly as well and try to cut back on the vote. it is a short-term strategy. it is corrosive to democracy and the american public understands -- they think it isn't there play. it will cost them dearly in this election because of what they did. they are raising the economy. they made war on the general public. i want to thank you for doing

this. [applause] >> on the podium with few. you people are really fighting every day to make a better world and a better place. we studied in our civics books trying to create an economy that will let everybody have a chance to get ahead and let their kids do better. i want to say to each of you thank you for what you do. [applause] >> thank you. >> i will say two things. one is the economic reality for today is the tremendous opportunity to make a difference out of choices around race,

round class, around generations. i think we can create economic solutions that actually address and help to heal past exclusions and inequities based on race and gender and all the forces we have been confronted with and we can create jobs for people who have been historically underemployee or formerly incarcerated people and immigrants. we can think about job creation strategies that really do held to address the leveling of the playing field that has been historically embedded over our history and over time and there's a tremendous unity and coming together. more than ever that we share as americans in this country today. from that place of shared experience and understanding one another's stories as part of the

99% we can build a 99% movement in this country that helps us do a fundamental reset and helps us to reshape the economy and all our visions. there is room enough and resources enough and talent enough and solutions enough that all of us can see our hopes and dreams realized in the american democracy but it is up to us to build that type of movement and build those types of solutions that actually address all of these things. [applause] >> all right, everyone. we have just a few short months to make a very strong statement about the country that we are, the degree to which we won't turn back and the kind of economy that we need in order to

recreate strong, diverse, growing middle-class for all of us. these people on this stage are every single day writing about, fighting about, caring about, researching a about the solutions and strategies to make that happen. it is your job as online activists and advocates to make sure that will whole is greater than the sum of its parts and to make sure this is not the only time that you engage with their ideas. you can find them all on line. you can in some cases call them like you call ben bernanke this weekend. >> tell them i say hi. >> you can make sure we are creating an echo chamber for the kind of country and values that we want. i want to thank everybody. join me in thanking this